International Developments

In April, the report of the World Commission on Environment and Development (Brundtland report) was released. This landmark document referred to environ mental problems that are appearing in the Arctic largely as a consequence of industrial activity elsewhere. A specific item addressed in the report was the possibility ol a major warming trend resulting from a build-up of carbon dioxide in the earth's atmosphere-the so-called "greenhouse effect". To publicize the issue further, CARC directed the December 1987 issue of Northern Perspectives to an examination of climatic change in the North.

 The Brundtland report also devoted considerable space to the unique role land-based indigenous peoples may be able to play in developing a better synthesis of environmental and economic values-surely a relevant topic for Canada's North, where the issue of aboriginal land claims is largely unresolved.

 With respect to sovereignty, defence, and foreign policy, a number of significant developments occurred during the year. In June, Minister of National Defence Perrin Beatty released a white paper that cited protection of arctic sovereignty as an important consideration in shaping Canadian defence policies for the decade ahead. The defence paper promised a beefed-up Arctic Rangers programme for the North and the upgrading of northern airports for use by CF-18 interceptors, but the most important part of the policy was the commitment to a "three-ocean navy" through the acquisition of a fleet of 10 to 12 nuclear-powered submarines. Although ministers and officials initially made liberal reference to arctic sovereignty in rationalizing the acquisition of such a fleet, they later downplayed the northern component of the programme. Two good reasons emerged for doing so: first, the reality that no more than one submarine would be on active arctic patrol at any given time; second, the U.S government's concern that Canada in tended to sharpen its defence capabilities in response to the sovereignty dispute over the Northwest Passage. The legal question remains as to whether the eventual acquisition of nuclear-powered subs will place Canada in violation of its international commitments with respect to nuclear nonproliferation, although initial assessment suggests it will not.

The government's defence white paper was not the only item to combine aspects d ofot sovereignty, defence, and foreign policy. In October, Soviet Secretary General Mikhail Gorbachev delivered an address in Murmansk in which he called for the Arctic to be turned into a "zone of peace". Although the specific measures referred to did not reveal anything novel, the speech did inject some energy into the debate. Interestingly enough, Gorbachev also referred, in a general way, to the special role of indigenous peoples in the region. This is a promising opening; it would be rendered more concrete should the Soviet government signal its willingness to allow Soviet Inuit representatives to participate in the work of the Inuit Circumpolar Conference.

Coincident with Gorbachev's speech, CARC revealed the existence and substance of a formal treaty on arctic scientific co-operation proposed to the Canadian government in February. Staying clear of security issues, the treaty proposal forces the Canadian government to decide whether or not it is serious about closer bilateral relations with all our circumpolar neighbours. It is also an opportunity to ensure that circumpolar scientific exchanges are put on a solid financial footing; at the moment, Canada's efforts have been severely handicapped by what can only be described as a low budget priority in Ottawa.

A further example of this last point is evident in the problems faced by Canadian skiers selected to prepare for a joint Canadian-Soviet expedition across the Arctic Ocean from Novaya Zemlya to Ellesmere Island. Enthusiastic moral support from the federal government has yet to be accompanied by much-needed financial and logistical support-a somewhat shortsighted attitude when the concept of arctic sovereignty can be used to liberate huge sums of money for other purposes.

 The other international development affecting the North and all Canadians in 1987 was the prospect of a free-trade agreement with the United States. Of particular concern to the North are the energy, local hire, and regional development aspects of the free-trade deal.

 Also relevant to the development of northern energy resources was the September report of the House of Commons Standing Committee on Energy, Mines and Resources. Embracing the "continentalist" approach to hydrocarbon development characteristic of the free-trade agreement, the report called for a pipeline corridor across the north slope of the Yukon, an idea contrary to a policy decision made years ago (on the advice of the Berger inquiry and the National Energy Board) in favour of an Alaska Highway corridor. The report also ignored Canada's stated position, and the terms and spirit of the Porcupine Caribou Herd Agreement, by encouraging the United States to open up the Alaska National Wildlife Refuge to oil and gas exploration. CARC responded vigorously to the report, in both representations to the committee and ministers and through the media.

 Another important issue to emerge in 1987 was the prospect of plutonium transport through Canadian airspace in the High Arctic. (See "Flying the Friendly Skies", p. 7.) The issue is an example of how policy decisions arrived at without sufficient foresight can have dire consequences. As CARC pointed out in September 1986, the $2 billion North Warning System-a replacement for the Distant Early Warning (DEW) Line-does not allow Canada to adequately monitor air traffic in the High Arctic; scarcely a year later, the risks of such a situation to Canada's environment and sovereignty have been fully exposed.